Letters | Burnham mine opposition
Burnham mine opposition
Editor,
Earlier this month, grassroots groups representing Navajo and Four Corners communities directly impacted by the largest and longest coal mine ever proposed on tribal land appealed the federal government’s approval of the No Name permit.
Navajo Transitional Energy Company’s plans to dig up more than 500 million tons of coal in the Burnham Chapter area, possibly for the next century-plus. NTEC – wholly callous to what its plans mean for people living on or near the 14 square miles it will mine – responded to the appeal with a soulless, misinformation-filled website release rather than informing tribal residents directly.
First, NTEC’s response shows profound disrespect toward our Navajo citizens by reducing a century-long expansion to “simple multiplication.” Many of our people are bilingual Navajo speakers with limited education, and to insult our intelligence by intimidating residents with technical jargon and implying that Navajos fail to grasp simple basic math. If this project’s parameters were nothing more than “simple multiplication,” NTEC should provide clear, in-person explanations in Navajo directly to our people rather than handing out a USB drive for elders to share. Patronizing our community and reducing 110 years of physical destruction to “theoretical” math and concepts through open condescension confirms NTEC’s intent of avoiding genuine and thorough consultation, contradicting their corporate commitment to the tribe whose resources they seek to extract.
Second, NTEC insisted that “the community was consulted, and it supports this permit,” they tout a December 2025 resolution that they obtained 36 days before federal agencies disclosed the project’s true scope. NTEC failed to recognize the same chapter’s February 2026 resolution opposing the mine and praised its outreach to neighboring communities. We requested a hearing in Burnham, but the federal Office of Surface Mining denied our request and moved proceedings to Nenahnezad, almost an hour away. Gathering resolutions from outside chapters to avoid residents in Burnham does not demonstrate community consultation; it demonstrates a sophisticated, organized effort to divide chapters to avoid genuine public accountability and create dissension between chapters.
Third, NTEC asserted that agency review was “transparent” and not “fast-tracked,” yet their permit application contained blank pages during the abbreviated 20-day comment period. NTEC distributed over 3,500 pages of technical documentation exclusively on a single digital USB drive to a rural, Navajo-speaking community where families lack personal computers and Internet access. One USB Drive does not constitute open disclosure or genuine public transparency. NTEC claims that the No Name expansion “is not a new mine” but an extension of the current Navajo Mine, which contradicts the logic of the process, why would the No Name mine need a mine permit and trigger a NEPA analysis?
Further, excavating over 9,000 acres of heavy surface excavation (14 square miles) and continuous industrial blasting leaves nothing undisturbed. NTEC claims it will not impact any “significant” waterways but fails to recognize that mining would remove an alluvial aquifer and destroy three water wells along the Pinabete Arroyo that livestock rely on. No water replacement plan addresses impacts on the groundwater in the permit area. Equally alarming, NTEC has not consistently quantified impacts and stresses a 500- to 1,000-year recovery to return to pre-mining conditions. Clearly, such data and sound science would show that the mine expansion lacks real logic, if their conceptual and “theoretical” thinking is as they claim, then the permit should be denied.
Moreover, NTEC is working to minimize the profound cumulative and human cost of this massive mine. NTEC’s mine will forcibly remove Diné households from their homes, but they downplay the violence of that removal by whitewashing their claim that “there are only three potentially affected permittees” who stand to be relocated. Grazing permits do not equal human beings, they represent family groups and multi-family homesteads, not three individuals.
After all, we know the cumulative and compounding effects mining has on our water resources, livestock, wildlife, and our people. Our lived experiences go beyond what NTEC can grasp and put on their USB drive.
Dáilan Long
Burnham, N.M.
Holiday disrespect
Editor,
No one notified families in advance that there was school for Ramah High School on the Indigenous Day or Columbus Day holiday. In Ramah, we have lots of Navajo students that attend school there.
We, as Navajos, need to be respected for the Indigenous holiday. The people in Pine Hill respected the holiday and had no school.
There was no school during Navajo Sovereignty Day in April.
Yes, we as a Navajo Nation, need to be respected here in Ramah about Indigenous People Day in 2027.
Olson Pino
Ramah, N.M.
Climate action needed
Editor,
Following the Navajo Nation presidential debate on Oct. 13, 2026, at Arizona State University, I left with cautious optimism regarding the imperative to confront the climate crisis, as both candidates acknowledged the importance of tackling climate change impacts.
This is set against the backdrop that both candidates scarcely addressed climate crisis or the imperative for sustainability initiatives since the primary elections. However, among the candidates preceding the July primary, one open-minded professor distinguished himself by confronting the critical issue of climate change and sustainability.
As the largest federally recognized tribal nation in the United States, it is imperative that the Navajo Nation establishes a coordinated, tribally led climate resilience framework that reflects Diné values, traditional knowledge, self-governance, and the needs of future generations.
Specifically, the new leadership, whether the Curley-Deschene or Jones-Ellison administration, should institute a Navajo Nation Climate Action Commission dedicated to preserving its land, water, communities, cultural heritage, and economic resilience amid escalating climate change challenges.
A Climate Action Commission would provide a formal structure for developing climate policies, coordinating government departments, identifying funding opportunities, and ensuring that climate-related decisions reflect the priorities of Navajo communities.
Public institutions have a responsibility to support global sustainability efforts. The Navajo Nation is no different as it faces the reality that continuing with the business-as-usual arrogance is untenable and, unless substantially altered, will maintain a course of unethical governance that threatens both present and future generations.
The current Navajo Nation government and its administrative and operational practices are wholly unsustainable. Inaction by Navajo leadership is untenable in the face of mounting economic, environmental, societal, and cultural challenges on the cusp of the next decade. The escalating climate crisis compounds unsustainable practices, presenting serious challenges to the health, finances, and well-being of the Navajo people and their communities.
According to Climate Impact Partners, nearly three-quarters (72 percent) of the Fortune Global 500 companies have set climate targets and commitments, including foreign governments, virtually all U.S. states, counties, municipalities and non-profits have embraced sustainability-driven transformational change. What explains the largest tribal government’s failure to acknowledge its role in this pivotal change?
The central justification for forming a Climate Action Commission is that climate change is not solely an environmental issue, it is also a matter of public health, economic resilience, robust infrastructure, and Diné language and cultural sovereignty.
The commission would provide an opportunity for the Navajo Nation to take a proactive, coordinated, and long-term approach to protecting Diné Bikéyah. By combining traditional ecological knowledge with scientific research, strengthening collaboration among government entities, and prioritizing community needs, the nation can better prepare for environmental challenges while protecting the well-being of current and future generations.
Ultimately, a Climate Action Commission would help ensure that climate action becomes a coordinated government responsibility rather than an isolated programmatic effort. Success should be assessed through definitive improvements in water security, community resilience, protection of natural resources, economic development, and the preservation of Diné ways of life.
At the heart of my argument is the principle that the Navajo Nation, as the largest federally recognized and sovereign tribal nation in the United States, should be afforded a meaningful voice in the governance mechanisms of the Paris Agreement. The preamble recognizes Indigenous peoples’ rights and stipulates that countries should factor these rights into their climate action plans. In my view, such recognition should lead to real participation – not just words in a document.
Ultimately, acknowledging Indigenous peoples in the preamble should extend beyond mere words on paper. For participation to be meaningful, Navajo representatives should be able to help set priorities, contribute knowledge on our own terms, and to be heard in discussions relevant to our distinct culture and our communities.
Every Navajo person, and especially prospective new leaders, incoming Council delegates, should regard the ongoing climate crisis with serious concern. The climate crisis, combined with the absence of sustainable solutions, is exerting widespread effects on global to regional weather patterns, droughts, food and water security, economic losses, and directly impacting Navajo language and ceremonial lifeways preservation.
At the very least, the Navajo Nation ought to implement a comprehensive “Sustainability Policy or Plan” that provides a framework aimed at achieving net-zero emissions and facilitating clean energy transitions within government operations. Critically applicable to the Navajo Nation Fleet Management by transitioning to 100 percent zero-emission vehicle acquisitions by a set year, including procurement and supply chain, and building and offices with energy efficiency in government facilities.
Our Diné language and culture are the crux of intergenerational transmission – as a primary vehicle – for passing down Diné lifeway narratives and ceremonial practices along with use of medicinal plants as our navigation protocol to the younger generations.
If the Jones-Ellison and Curley-Deschene teams are genuinely committed to preservation, as often pledged during the campaign, then they must translate their rhetoric into practice to establish a Navajo Nation Climate Action Commission. Walk the talk.
Edward Dee
Phoenix, Ariz.
(Hometown: Red Mesa, Utah)
Support for Curley
Editor,
I support Navajo Nation Council Speaker Crystalynn Curley for Navajo Nation president. Neither Justin Jones nor Emily Ellison has significant experience working within the Navajo government, which they have been trashing.
Speaker Curley, on the other hand, has been closely involved in the Navajo government and will be in a position to make it better and stronger. The Navajo government is strong and effective; a good base to keep building government. I worked for the Executive Branch at the Water Management Branch for over 20 years. I assisted to process tens of millions of federal and state funds for Navajo Nation water development. We even had a small satellite image ground truthing contract with the CIA. We, at the staff level, were involved in the negotiation of the funding agreements and we did the paperwork to begin the process of budgeting and implementing the funded projects.
Anybody who has worked to implement Navajo Nation Executive Branch projects knows the many reviews and sign-offs required to get a contract approved. There are repetitive checks and balances all along the approval process. No room for anybody to secretly craft a budget to get rich. Staff prepare a contract at the department level where it is reviewed by various technical and financial staff before it is signed off by the department director. Then it goes through the same reviews at the division level before the division director signs approval.
When a contract leaves a division, it is further reviewed by divisions of finance and justice, and other departments and divisions, depending on the type of project. Approvals may be required from NEPA, Community Development, Historic Preservation, and other Executive Branch units.
I came to admire the rank-and-file Navajo government workforce. If the process is followed, it is ordinary professionals who do the paperwork and reviews. Some may not have college degrees, but they have become experts through their work. Staff are the core strength of Navajo government. Politically appointed directors sign only after professional staff review. The personal integrity and experience of Navajo professionals is essential to keep the government honest and functioning. President Curley will build on a strong foundation.
It does appear that there may not be enough checks and balances in the processes followed by independent boards and entities outside the central Executive Branch.
I was somewhat disappointed that Ms. Curley picked carpet bagger Chris Deschene for vice president. Has he unpacked? I supported him last time even after I found out he did not speak Navajo. Like many people, I had enough of the Joe Shirley Jr. gang. We built a powerful movement around Chris. Even after he was disqualified, we passed a referendum to remove the Navajo language requirement for Navajo presidential candidates and 70 chapters passed resolutions to remove the chief justice, who was forced to resign.
Back then, eight years ago, we defended Chris as a young person who was being shunned for not speaking Navajo. He is not so young anymore. Didn’t he promise to learn? Was there was any progress? At the end of his last campaign, I went to a rally for him at Mikasa in Window Rock. He mentioned that he had been to a “Ndáá’” (the event associated with the Enemy Way Ceremony). He pronounced it “En daa’.” Any Navajo who lives around here knows the word; it’s a very common word. He proved that he’s somewhat a stranger to the Navajo experience.
But welcome back Chris, we need our young people to come back and make our Navajo Nation stronger. Chris cannot at this point separate himself from his legacy with the Navajo language issue. That may be a very good thing. Perhaps he can lead an effort to bring back Navajo.
Anecdotally, the current efforts do not seem to be working. I’ve previously tried to converse in Navajo with students from the Fort Defiance School Immersion program. I have not found one who was able to speak a paragraph in Navajo.
Michael Benson
Window Rock, Ariz.
Beyond the ballot
Editor,
On Nov. 3, 2026, Navajo voters will decide who will lead our Nation: Justin Jones or Crystalyne Curley. But beyond choosing our next president, we must ask: Who will address the problems our families have faced for generations?
I remember these concerns going back to the 1980s, when Peterson Zah and Peter MacDonald Sr. each served as our nation’s leaders. Fifty years later, we are still discussing housing shortages, running water, electricity, roads, healthcare, education, jobs and public safety. How much longer must our people wait?
With more than 400,000 enrolled citizens, our Nation needs coordinated planning that turns community priorities into completed projects. Each chapter should help identify its most urgent needs, supported by clear budgets, realistic schedules, maintenance plans and public progress reports.
We must also invest in Navajo-owned businesses, local construction capacity, apprenticeships and workforce training. Building our communities should create lasting opportunities for our people.
Meanwhile, artificial intelligence, data centers and cryptocurrency raises new questions for our future. How should we evaluate these technologies? Who will ensure that proposed developments protect our land, water, energy resources, and sovereignty while providing meaningful benefits to Navajo communities?
Both candidates should explain how they will address longstanding needs while preparing us for these emerging challenges. What will they accomplish, how will they pay for it, and how will the people measure their progress?
Our next president must work with the Council, chapters and communities to deliver results. Our families deserve dependable services and opportunities close to home.
Make your voice heard on Nov. 3. Vote to make a difference, honor the sacrifices of our ancestors, and build a stronger future for the generations to come. Ahxéhee’.
Stanford Lake
Black Mesa, Ariz.
Forest carbon revenue
Editor,
The Navajo Nation has marked a major milestone in the Navajo Forest Carbon Project, demonstrating our commitment to protecting our lands, leading on climate action and creating new financial opportunities for our people.
Spanning more than 500,000 acres in Arizona and New Mexico, this is one of the largest forest carbon projects enrolled in California’s compliance program. On Dec. 30, 2025, and after years of planning and collaboration, the project issued its first carbon credits. Carbon offset sales have now generated approximately $45 million for the Navajo Nation.
Our people deserve to understand how this project works and why it matters.
Through photosynthesis, the Navajo Commercial Forest acts as a carbon sink by absorbing carbon dioxide from the atmosphere and releasing oxygen. Through continued annual tree growth, additional carbon is absorbed and stored each year.
The Forest Carbon Offset Project creates revenue for the Navajo Nation while protecting the forest through better management. Through California’s Cap-and-Trade Program, industrial businesses purchase verified carbon offsets to help meet their emissions requirements. The benefit to the atmosphere does not depend on how far apart the Navajo Nation and those businesses are.
Development of this project began in 2014. The Navajo Nation Council later approved the Carbon Development and Marketing Agreement through Resolution CAP-17-22 for the nation’s participation in the California Air Resources Board’s Cap-and-Trade Program.
Upon taking office in 2023, I made advancing this project a priority and worked with the Biden administration to secure a letter needed to help move it forward.
This is the result of work that spans across administrations. I thank the leaders, forestry professionals, staff and partners whose years of planning and collaboration helped bring this project to this milestone.
Protecting our forest remains central to the program. To address Bureau of Indian Affairs oversight concerns, requirements from the program’s forest protocol were incorporated into the current forest management plan and the prescriptions used to determine forest treatments. These requirements help guide the conservation and management of forest carbon.
The nation’s carbon consultant, ANEW, had the forest inventoried twice and determined that there were approximately 4.3 million tons of stored carbon. ANEW has brokered some of the offsets, generating approximately $45 million for the Navajo Nation, and will continue to seek additional purchasers.
As president, I believe this achievement shows how responsible stewardship can create financial opportunities while protecting the lands that sustain us. It also carries a responsibility to keep our people informed about the project, its commitments and how its revenue is managed.
Our forests are part of our homeland and our way of life. Their value reaches beyond the revenue they generate. They connect us to our ancestors and remind us of our responsibility to those who will come after us.
We must continue this work with care and accountability so that future generations inherit healthy forests and a stronger Navajo Nation.
Dr. Buu Nygren
President
Navajo Nation
Highway 264,
I-40, WB @ Winslow